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Another handy feature of the site is the filtering function you will see on this page. Further decriminalisation of premises followed with the [39] implementation of recommendations from the Select Committee of the Legislative Assembly Upon Prostitution — Although the committee had recommended relaxing the soliciting laws, the new Greiner Liberal government tightened these provisions further in through the Summary Offences Act in response to community pressure.

The suburbs of King's Cross in Sydney and Islington in Newcastle have been traditional centres of prostitution. New South Wales is the only Australian state that legalises street prostitution.

But community groups in those locations have occasionally lobbied for re-criminalisation. As promised in its election campaign, the Liberal Party sought review of the regulation of brothels. In September , it issues a discussion paper on review of the regulations.

Nevertheless, there is no evidence of a negative effect of brothels on the community. Generally prostitution policy in NSW has been bipartisan. But in the Liberal centre-right opposition announced that it would make prostitution reform part of its campaign for the March State election. The plan would involve a new licensing authority, following revelations that the sex industry had been expanding and operating illegallly as well as in legal premises.

The Liberals claimed that organised crime and coercion were part of the NSW brothel scene. Sex workers have protested against the fact that the NT is the only part of Australia where workers have to register with the police.

Unlike other parts of Australia, the Northern Territory remained largely Aboriginal for much longer, and Europeans were predominantly male. Inevitably this brought European males into close proximity with Aboriginal women. There has been much debate as to whether the hiring of Aboriginal women Black Velvet as domestic labour but also as sexual partners constituted prostitution or not. Once the Commonwealth took over the territory from South Australia in , it saw its role as protecting the indigenous population, and there was considerable debate about employment standards and the practice of 'consorting'.

Bonney In the Prostitution Regulation Act reformed and consolidated the common law and statute law relating to prostitution. The Attorney-General's Department conducted a review in A further review was subsequently conducted in The NT Government has consistently rejected calls for legalisation of brothels.

There are two types of sex work that are legal in Queensland:. All other forms of sex work remain illegal, including more than one worker sharing a premise, street prostitution , unlicensed brothels or massage parlours used for sex work, and outcalls from licensed brothels. Much emphasis was placed in colonial Queensland on the role of immigration and the indigenous population in introducing and sustaining prostitution, while organisations such as the Social Purity Society described what they interpreted as widespread female depravity.

Brothels were defined in section of the Queensland Criminal Code in , which explicitly defined 'bawdy houses' in Solicitation was an offence under Clause E, and could lead to a fine or imprisonment. Other measures included the long-standing vagrancy laws and local by-laws. The Fitzgerald Report Commission of Inquiry into "Possible Illegal Activities and Associated Police Misconduct" of led to widespread concern regarding the operation of the laws, and consequently a more specific inquiry Criminal Justice Commission.

An inquiry into prostitution in Queensland in This in turn resulted in two pieces of legislation, the Prostitution Laws Amendment Act and the Prostitution Act The Crime and Misconduct Commission reported on the regulation of prostitution in , [69] and on outcall work in Despite the intentions of the founders, prostitution became identified early in the history of the colony, known as the 'social evil', and various government reports during the nineteenth century refer to estimates of the number of people working in prostitution.

In , within six years of the founding of the colony, it was reported that there were now "large numbers of females who are living by a life of prostitution in the city of Adelaide, out of all proportion to the respectable population". The Police Act [78] set penalties for prostitutes found in public houses or public places [79] This was consistent with the vagrancy laws then operating throughout the British Empire and remained the effective legislation for most of the remainder of the century, although it had little effect despite harsher penalties enacted in and Following the scandal described by WT Stead in the UK, there was much discussion of the white slave trade in Adelaide, and with the formation of the Social Purity Society of South Australia in along similar lines to that in other countries, similar legislation to the UK Criminal Law Consolidation Amendment Act was enacted, making it an offence to procure the defilement of a female by fraud or threat the Protection of Young Persons Act.

While current legislation is based on acts of parliament from the s and s, at least six unsuccessful attempts have been made to reform the laws, starting in Parliament voted a select committee of inquiry in August, [82] renewed following the election.

The committee report recommended decriminalisation. A number of issues kept sex work in the public eye during and The next development occurred on 8 February when Ian Gilfillan Australian Democrat MLC stated he would introduce a decriminalisation private members bill. He did so on 10 April [84] but it met opposition from groups such as the Uniting Church and it lapsed when parliament recessed for the winter.

Another bill came in and then Mark Brindal , a Liberal backbencher, produced a discussion paper on decriminalisation in November , and on 9 February he introduced a private member's bill Prostitution Decriminalisation Bill to decriminalise prostitution and the Prostitution Regulation Bill on 23 February. He had been considered to have a better chance of success than the previous initiatives due to a "sunrise clause" which would set a time frame for a parliamentary debate prior to it coming into effect.

He twice attempted to get decriminalisation bills passed, although his party opposed this. It had little support and lapsed when parliament recessed. No further attempts to reform the law have been made for some time, however in a governing Labor backbencher and former minister, Stephanie Key , announced she would introduce a private members decriminalisation bill.

She presented her proposals to the Caucus in September , [88] [95] and tabled a motion on 24 November "That she have leave to introduce a Bill for an Act to decriminalise prostitution and regulate the sex work industry; to amend the Criminal Law Consolidation Act , the Equal Opportunity Act , the Fair Work Act , the Summary Offences Act and the Workers Rehabilitation and Compensation Act ; and for other purpose".

The proposal was opposed by the Family First Party that had ten per cent of the votes in the Legislative Council , where Robert Brokenshire now opposed decriminalisation. Key introduced another Bill [] in May Prostitution has existed in Tasmania since its early days as a penal colony, when large numbers of convict women started arriving in the s.

Some of the women who were transported there already had criminal records related to prostitution. Prostitution was not so much a profession as a way of life for some women to make ends meet, particularly in a society in which there was a marked imbalance of gender, and convict women had no other means of income.

Nevertheless, the concept of 'fallen women' and division of women into 'good' and 'bad' was well established. In an attempt to produce some law and order the Vagrancy Act was introduced. Other attempts were the Penitent's Homes and Magdalen Asylums as rescue missions. In like other British colonies, Tasmania passed a Contagious Diseases Act based on similar UK legislation of the s , [] and established Lock Hospitals in an attempt to prevent venereal diseases amongst the armed forces, at the instigation of the Royal Navy.

The Act ceased to operate in in the face of repeal movements. However, there was little attempt to suppress prostitution itself. What action there was against prostitution was mainly to keep it out of the public eye, using vagrancy laws.

More specific legislation dates from the early twentieth century, such as the Criminal Code Act Crimes against Morality , and the Police Offences Act Prior to the Act, soliciting by a prostitute, living on the earnings of a prostitute, keeping a disorderly house and letting a house to a tenant to use as a disorderly house were criminal offences.

Sole workers and escort work, which was the main form of prostitution in the stat, were legal in Tasmania. Reform was suggested by a government committee in The Bill proposed registration for operators of sexual services businesses.

Consultation with agencies, local government, interested persons and organisations occurred during , resulting in the Sex Industry Regulation Bill being tabled in Parliament in June It passed the House of Assembly and was tabled in the Legislative Council, where it was soon clear that it would not be passed, and was subsequently lost.

It was replaced by the Sex Industry Offences Act Essentially, in response to protests the Government moved from a position of liberalising to one of further criminalising. The Act that was passed consolidated and clarified the existing law in relation to sex work by providing that it was legal to be a sex worker and provide sexual services but that it was illegal for a person to employ or otherwise control or profit from the work of individual sex workers.

A review clause was included because of the uncertainty as to what the right way to proceed was. The Act commenced 1 January Prostitution is legal, but it is illegal for a person to employ or otherwise control or profit from the work of individual sex workers. The Sex Industry Offences Act [] states that a person must not be a commercial operator of a sexual services business — that is, "someone who is not a self-employed sex worker and who, whether alone or with another person, operates, owns, manages or is in day-to-day control of a sexual services business".

Street prostitution is illegal. This law explicitly outlines that it is illegal to assault a sex worker, to receive commercial sexual services, or provide or receive sexual services unless a prophylactic is used. In , the Justice Department conducted a review of the Act and received a number of submissions, in accordance with the provisions of the Act.

In June , the Attorney-General Lara Giddings announced the Government was going to proceed with reform, using former Attorney-General Judy Jackson 's draft legislation as a starting point. However, her Attorney-general, former premier David Bartlett , did not favour this position [] but resigned shortly afterwards, being succeeded by Brian Wightman.

Wightman released a discussion paper in January This was seen when Whistleblowers Tasmania invited Sheila Jeffreys to conduct a series of talks including one at the Law Faculty at the University of Tasmania. The government invited submissions on the discussion paper until the end of March, and received responses from a wide range of individuals and groups. The Government's top priority is the health and safety of sex workers and the Tasmanian community.

Victoria has a long history of debating prostitution, and was the first State to advocate regulation as opposed to decriminalisation in New South Wales rather than suppression of prostitution. Legislative approaches and public opinion in Victoria have gradually moved from advocating prohibition to control through regulation.

While much of the activities surrounding prostitution were initially criminalised de jure , de facto the situation was one of toleration and containment of 'a necessary evil'.

Laws against prostitution existed from the founding of the State in The Vagrant Act [] included prostitution as riotous and indecent behaviour carrying a penalty of imprisonment for up to 12 months with the possibility of hard labour Part II, s 3.

This Act was not repealed till , but was relatively ineffective either in controlling venereal diseases or prostitution. The Police Offences Act [] separated riotous and indecent behaviour from prostitution, making it a specific offence for a prostitute to 'importune' a person in public s 7 2. Despite the laws, prostitution flourished, the block of Melbourne bounded by La Trobe Street, Spring Street, Lonsdale Street and Exhibition Street being the main red light district, and their madams were well known.

An attempt at suppression in was ineffectual. The Police offences Act [] prohibited 'brothel keeping', leasing a premise for the purpose of a brothel, and living off prostitution ss 5, 6.

Despite a number of additional legislative responses in the early years of the century, enforcement was patchy at best. Eventually amongst drug use scandals, brothels were shut down in the s. All of these laws were explicitly directed against women, other than living on the avails.

In the s brothels evaded prohibition by operating as 'massage parlours', leading to pressure to regulate them, since public attitudes were moving more towards regulation rather than prohibition. Community concerns were loudest in the traditional Melbourne stroll area of St. A Working Party was assembled in and led to the Planning Brothel Act , [] as a new approach. Part of the political bargaining involved in passing the act was the promise to set up a wider inquiry.

The inquiry was chaired by Marcia Neave , and reported in The recommendations to allow brothels to operate legally under regulation tried to avoid some of the issues that arose in New South Wales in It was hoped that regulation would allow better control of prostitution and at the same time reduce street work. The Government attempted to implement these in the Prostitution Regulation Act This created an incoherent patchwork approach.

In a working group was set up by the Attorney-General, which resulted in the Prostitution Control Act PCA [] now known as the Sex Work Act [] This Act legalises and regulates the operations of brothels and escort agencies in Victoria. The difference between the two is that in the case of a brothel clients come to the place of business, which is subject to local council planning controls.

In the case of an escort agency, clients phone the agency and arrange for a sex worker to come to their homes or motels. A brothel must obtain a permit from the local council Section 21A. A brothel or escort agency must not advertise its services.

Section 18 Also, a brothel operator must not allow alcohol to be consumed at the brothel, Section 21 nor apply for a liquor licence for the premises; nor may they allow a person under the age of 18 years to enter a brothel nor employ as a sex worker a person under 18 years of age, Section 11A though the age of consent in Victoria is 16 years.

Owner-operated brothels and private escort workers are not required to obtain a licence, but must be registered, and escorts from brothels are permitted. If only one or two sex workers run a brothel or escort agency, which does not employ other sex workers, they also do not need a licence, but are required to be registered.

However, in all other cases, the operator of a brothel or escort agency must be licensed. The licensing process enables the licensing authority to check on any criminal history of an applicant. All new brothels are limited to having no more than six rooms. However, larger brothels which existed before the Act was passed were automatically given licences and continue to operate, though cannot increase the number of rooms.

Sex workers employed by licensed brothels are not required to be licensed or registered. Amending Acts were passed in and , and a report on the state of sex work in Victoria issued in The Act is now referred to as the Sex Work Act In further amendments were introduced, [] and assented to in December The stated purposes of the Act [] is to assign and clarify responsibility for the monitoring, investigation and enforcement of provisions of the Sex Work Act; to continue the ban on street prostitution.

When the oppositional Coalition government was elected in it decided to retain the legislation. Sullivan and Jeffries also wrote in the report that the legislation change of created new problems:. Ongoing adjustments to legislation became necessary as state policy makers attempted to deal with a myriad of unforeseen issues that are not addressed by treating prostitution as commercial sex—child prostitution, trafficking of women, the exploitation and abuse of prostituted women by big business.

The reality is that prostitution cannot be made respectable. Legalisation does not make it so. Prostitution is an industry that arises from the historical subordination of women and the historical right of men to buy and exchange women simply as objects for sexual use. It thrives on poverty, drug abuse, the trafficking in vulnerable women and children Legalisation compounds the harms of prostitution rather than relieving them. It is not the answer. In November , 95 licensed brothels existed in Victoria and a total of small owner-operators were registered in the state Of these, were escort agents, two were brothels, and two were combined brothels and escort agents.

Of the 95 licensed brothels, rooms existed and four rooms were located in small exempt brothels. Of licensed prostitution service providers i. However, a study conducted by the University of Melbourne, Melbourne Sexual Health Centre and Victoria's Alfred Hospital , concluded that "The number of unlicensed brothels in Melbourne is much smaller than is generally believed.

A total of advertisements, representing separate establishments, were analysed. As of April , street prostitution continues to be illegal in the state of Victoria [] and the most recent review process of the legislation in terms of street-based sex work occurred at the beginning of the 21st century and a final report was published by the Attorney General's Street Prostitution Advisory Group.

Kilda , located in the City of Port Phillip, is a metropolitan location in which a significant level of street prostitution occurred—this remained the case in The Advisory Group consisted of residents, traders, street-based sex workers, welfare agencies, the City of Port Phillip, the State Government and Victoria Police, and released the final report after a month period. The Advisory Group seeks to use law enforcement strategies to manage and, where possible, reduce street sex work in the City of Port Phillip to the greatest extent possible, while providing support and protection for residents, traders and workers.

It proposes a harm minimisation approach to create opportunities for street sex workers to leave the industry and establish arrangements under which street sex work can be conducted without workers and residents suffering violence and abuse A two-year trial of tolerance areas and the establishment of street worker centres represents the foundation of the package proposed by the Advisory Group.

Tolerance areas would provide defined geographic zones in which clients could pick-up street sex workers. The areas would be selected following rigorous scrutiny of appropriate locations by the City of Port Phillip, and a comprehensive process of community consultation. Tolerance areas would be created as a Local Priority Policing initiative and enshrined in an accord. The concluding chapter of the report is entitled "The Way Forward" and lists four recommendations that were devised in light of the publication of the report.

The four recommendations are listed as: Alongside numerous other organisations and individuals, SA released its response to the recommendations of the Committee that were divided into two sections: Opposition to all of the recommendations of the Victorian Parliamentary Inquiry 2. In terms of HIV, a journal article by the Scarlet Alliance SA organisation—based on research conducted in —explained that it is illegal for a HIV-positive sex worker to engage in sex work in Victoria; although, it is not illegal for a HIV-positive client to hire the services of sex workers.

Additionally, according to the exact wording of the SA document, "It is not a legal requirement to disclose HIV status prior to sexual intercourse; however, it is an offence to intentionally or recklessly infect someone with HIV.

In the state of Victoria, there are 3. According to her report, there has been an overall growth in the industry since legalisation in the mids and that with increased competition between prostitution businesses, earnings have decreased; 20 years ago there were to women in prostitution as a whole, as of the report, there were women in the legal trade alone and the illegal trade was estimated to be 4 to 5 times larger.

These legal businesses are commonly used by criminal elements as a front to launder money from human trafficking, underage prostitution, and other illicit enterprises. In addition, hoteliers, casinos, taxi drivers, clothing manufacturers and retailers, newspapers, advertising agencies, and other logically-related businesses profit from prostitution in the state.

One prostitution business in Australia is publicly traded on the Australian stock exchange. Sullivan's claims have been widely disputed. Like other Australian states, Western Australia has had a long history of debates and attempts to reform prostitution laws. In the absence of reform, varying degrees of toleration have existed.

The current legislation is the Prostitution Control Act Despite the fact that brothels are illegal, the state has a long history of tolerating and unofficially regulating them. Prostitution in Western Australia has been intimately tied to the history of gold mining. Like other Australian colonies, legislation tended to be influence by developments in Britain. The Police Act was no different, establishing penalties for soliciting or vagrancy, while the Criminal Law Amendment Act dealt with procurement.

Brothel keepers were prosecuted under the Municipal Institutions Act , by which all municipalities had passed brothel suppression by-laws in Prostitution was much debated in the media and parliament, but despite much lobbying, venereal diseases were not included in the Health Act The war years and the large number of military personnel in Perth and Fremantle concentrated attention on the issue, however during much of Western Australian history, control of prostitution was largely a police affair rather than a parliamentary one, as a process of 'containment'.

In addition to the above the following laws dealt with prostitution: Prostitution Bills were also introduced in [] and Much of the debate on the subject under this government centred on the Prostitution Amendment Act , [] introduced in by the Alan Carpenter 's Australian Labor Party Government. Although it passed the upper house narrowly and received Royal Assent on 14 April , it was not proclaimed before the state election , in which the Carpenter and the ALP narrowly lost power in September, and therefore remained inactive.

The Act was based partly on the approach taken in in New Zealand and which in turn was based on the approach in NSW. It would have decriminalised brothels and would have required certification certification would not have applied to independent operators. Therefore, the Act continued to be in force. Brothels existed in a legal grey area, although 'containment' had officially been disbanded, in Perth in and subsequently in Kalgoorlie.

In opposition the ALP criticised the lack of action on prostitution by the coalition government. His critics stated that Porter "would accommodate the market demand for prostitution by setting up a system of licensed brothels in certain non-residential areas" and that people "should accept that prostitution will occur and legalise the trade, because we can never suppress it entirely" and that it is "like alcohol or gambling — saying it should be regulated rather than banned.

Porter challenged his critics to come up with a better model and rejected the Swedish example of only criminalising clients. However he followed through on a promise he made in early to clear the suburbs of sex work. Porter released a ministerial statement [] and made a speech in the legislature on 25 November , [] [] inviting public submissions. The plan was immediately rejected by religious groups.

By the time the consultation closed on 11 February , submissions were received, many repeating many of the arguments of the preceding years. This time Porter found himself criticised by both sides of the debate, for instance churches that supported the Coalition position in opposition, now criticised them, [] while sex worker groups that supported the Carpenter proposals continued to oppose coalition policies, [] [] as did health groups.

On 14 June the Minister made a 'Green Bill' [] draft legislation available for public comment over a six-week period. Following consultation, the government announced a series of changes to the bill that represented compromises with its critics, [] and the changes were then introduced into parliament on 3 November , [] where it received a first and second reading.

Sex workers continued to stand in opposition. Since the government was in a minority, it required the support of several independent members to ensure passage through the Legislative Assembly. Porter left State politics in June , being succeeded by Michael Mischin. Mischin admitted it would be unlikely that the bill would pass in that session.

The Barnett government was returned in that election with a clear majority, but stated it would not reintroduce the previous bill and that the subject was a low priority. Meanwhile, sex workers continue to push for decriminalisation.

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This Act was not repealed till , but was relatively ineffective either in controlling venereal diseases or prostitution. The Police Offences Act [] separated riotous and indecent behaviour from prostitution, making it a specific offence for a prostitute to 'importune' a person in public s 7 2. Despite the laws, prostitution flourished, the block of Melbourne bounded by La Trobe Street, Spring Street, Lonsdale Street and Exhibition Street being the main red light district, and their madams were well known.

An attempt at suppression in was ineffectual. The Police offences Act [] prohibited 'brothel keeping', leasing a premise for the purpose of a brothel, and living off prostitution ss 5, 6. Despite a number of additional legislative responses in the early years of the century, enforcement was patchy at best.

Eventually amongst drug use scandals, brothels were shut down in the s. All of these laws were explicitly directed against women, other than living on the avails.

In the s brothels evaded prohibition by operating as 'massage parlours', leading to pressure to regulate them, since public attitudes were moving more towards regulation rather than prohibition. Community concerns were loudest in the traditional Melbourne stroll area of St.

A Working Party was assembled in and led to the Planning Brothel Act , [] as a new approach. Part of the political bargaining involved in passing the act was the promise to set up a wider inquiry. The inquiry was chaired by Marcia Neave , and reported in The recommendations to allow brothels to operate legally under regulation tried to avoid some of the issues that arose in New South Wales in It was hoped that regulation would allow better control of prostitution and at the same time reduce street work.

The Government attempted to implement these in the Prostitution Regulation Act This created an incoherent patchwork approach. In a working group was set up by the Attorney-General, which resulted in the Prostitution Control Act PCA [] now known as the Sex Work Act [] This Act legalises and regulates the operations of brothels and escort agencies in Victoria.

The difference between the two is that in the case of a brothel clients come to the place of business, which is subject to local council planning controls. In the case of an escort agency, clients phone the agency and arrange for a sex worker to come to their homes or motels. A brothel must obtain a permit from the local council Section 21A. A brothel or escort agency must not advertise its services.

Section 18 Also, a brothel operator must not allow alcohol to be consumed at the brothel, Section 21 nor apply for a liquor licence for the premises; nor may they allow a person under the age of 18 years to enter a brothel nor employ as a sex worker a person under 18 years of age, Section 11A though the age of consent in Victoria is 16 years. Owner-operated brothels and private escort workers are not required to obtain a licence, but must be registered, and escorts from brothels are permitted.

If only one or two sex workers run a brothel or escort agency, which does not employ other sex workers, they also do not need a licence, but are required to be registered.

However, in all other cases, the operator of a brothel or escort agency must be licensed. The licensing process enables the licensing authority to check on any criminal history of an applicant.

All new brothels are limited to having no more than six rooms. However, larger brothels which existed before the Act was passed were automatically given licences and continue to operate, though cannot increase the number of rooms. Sex workers employed by licensed brothels are not required to be licensed or registered. Amending Acts were passed in and , and a report on the state of sex work in Victoria issued in The Act is now referred to as the Sex Work Act In further amendments were introduced, [] and assented to in December The stated purposes of the Act [] is to assign and clarify responsibility for the monitoring, investigation and enforcement of provisions of the Sex Work Act; to continue the ban on street prostitution.

When the oppositional Coalition government was elected in it decided to retain the legislation. Sullivan and Jeffries also wrote in the report that the legislation change of created new problems:. Ongoing adjustments to legislation became necessary as state policy makers attempted to deal with a myriad of unforeseen issues that are not addressed by treating prostitution as commercial sex—child prostitution, trafficking of women, the exploitation and abuse of prostituted women by big business.

The reality is that prostitution cannot be made respectable. Legalisation does not make it so. Prostitution is an industry that arises from the historical subordination of women and the historical right of men to buy and exchange women simply as objects for sexual use.

It thrives on poverty, drug abuse, the trafficking in vulnerable women and children Legalisation compounds the harms of prostitution rather than relieving them. It is not the answer. In November , 95 licensed brothels existed in Victoria and a total of small owner-operators were registered in the state Of these, were escort agents, two were brothels, and two were combined brothels and escort agents.

Of the 95 licensed brothels, rooms existed and four rooms were located in small exempt brothels. Of licensed prostitution service providers i. However, a study conducted by the University of Melbourne, Melbourne Sexual Health Centre and Victoria's Alfred Hospital , concluded that "The number of unlicensed brothels in Melbourne is much smaller than is generally believed.

A total of advertisements, representing separate establishments, were analysed. As of April , street prostitution continues to be illegal in the state of Victoria [] and the most recent review process of the legislation in terms of street-based sex work occurred at the beginning of the 21st century and a final report was published by the Attorney General's Street Prostitution Advisory Group. Kilda , located in the City of Port Phillip, is a metropolitan location in which a significant level of street prostitution occurred—this remained the case in The Advisory Group consisted of residents, traders, street-based sex workers, welfare agencies, the City of Port Phillip, the State Government and Victoria Police, and released the final report after a month period.

The Advisory Group seeks to use law enforcement strategies to manage and, where possible, reduce street sex work in the City of Port Phillip to the greatest extent possible, while providing support and protection for residents, traders and workers. It proposes a harm minimisation approach to create opportunities for street sex workers to leave the industry and establish arrangements under which street sex work can be conducted without workers and residents suffering violence and abuse A two-year trial of tolerance areas and the establishment of street worker centres represents the foundation of the package proposed by the Advisory Group.

Tolerance areas would provide defined geographic zones in which clients could pick-up street sex workers. The areas would be selected following rigorous scrutiny of appropriate locations by the City of Port Phillip, and a comprehensive process of community consultation.

Tolerance areas would be created as a Local Priority Policing initiative and enshrined in an accord. The concluding chapter of the report is entitled "The Way Forward" and lists four recommendations that were devised in light of the publication of the report.

The four recommendations are listed as: Alongside numerous other organisations and individuals, SA released its response to the recommendations of the Committee that were divided into two sections: Opposition to all of the recommendations of the Victorian Parliamentary Inquiry 2.

In terms of HIV, a journal article by the Scarlet Alliance SA organisation—based on research conducted in —explained that it is illegal for a HIV-positive sex worker to engage in sex work in Victoria; although, it is not illegal for a HIV-positive client to hire the services of sex workers. Additionally, according to the exact wording of the SA document, "It is not a legal requirement to disclose HIV status prior to sexual intercourse; however, it is an offence to intentionally or recklessly infect someone with HIV.

In the state of Victoria, there are 3. According to her report, there has been an overall growth in the industry since legalisation in the mids and that with increased competition between prostitution businesses, earnings have decreased; 20 years ago there were to women in prostitution as a whole, as of the report, there were women in the legal trade alone and the illegal trade was estimated to be 4 to 5 times larger.

These legal businesses are commonly used by criminal elements as a front to launder money from human trafficking, underage prostitution, and other illicit enterprises.

In addition, hoteliers, casinos, taxi drivers, clothing manufacturers and retailers, newspapers, advertising agencies, and other logically-related businesses profit from prostitution in the state. One prostitution business in Australia is publicly traded on the Australian stock exchange. Sullivan's claims have been widely disputed.

Like other Australian states, Western Australia has had a long history of debates and attempts to reform prostitution laws. In the absence of reform, varying degrees of toleration have existed. The current legislation is the Prostitution Control Act Despite the fact that brothels are illegal, the state has a long history of tolerating and unofficially regulating them.

Prostitution in Western Australia has been intimately tied to the history of gold mining. Like other Australian colonies, legislation tended to be influence by developments in Britain.

The Police Act was no different, establishing penalties for soliciting or vagrancy, while the Criminal Law Amendment Act dealt with procurement. Brothel keepers were prosecuted under the Municipal Institutions Act , by which all municipalities had passed brothel suppression by-laws in Prostitution was much debated in the media and parliament, but despite much lobbying, venereal diseases were not included in the Health Act The war years and the large number of military personnel in Perth and Fremantle concentrated attention on the issue, however during much of Western Australian history, control of prostitution was largely a police affair rather than a parliamentary one, as a process of 'containment'.

In addition to the above the following laws dealt with prostitution: Prostitution Bills were also introduced in [] and Much of the debate on the subject under this government centred on the Prostitution Amendment Act , [] introduced in by the Alan Carpenter 's Australian Labor Party Government. Although it passed the upper house narrowly and received Royal Assent on 14 April , it was not proclaimed before the state election , in which the Carpenter and the ALP narrowly lost power in September, and therefore remained inactive.

The Act was based partly on the approach taken in in New Zealand and which in turn was based on the approach in NSW. It would have decriminalised brothels and would have required certification certification would not have applied to independent operators.

Therefore, the Act continued to be in force. Brothels existed in a legal grey area, although 'containment' had officially been disbanded, in Perth in and subsequently in Kalgoorlie. In opposition the ALP criticised the lack of action on prostitution by the coalition government. His critics stated that Porter "would accommodate the market demand for prostitution by setting up a system of licensed brothels in certain non-residential areas" and that people "should accept that prostitution will occur and legalise the trade, because we can never suppress it entirely" and that it is "like alcohol or gambling — saying it should be regulated rather than banned.

Porter challenged his critics to come up with a better model and rejected the Swedish example of only criminalising clients. However he followed through on a promise he made in early to clear the suburbs of sex work.

Porter released a ministerial statement [] and made a speech in the legislature on 25 November , [] [] inviting public submissions. The plan was immediately rejected by religious groups.

By the time the consultation closed on 11 February , submissions were received, many repeating many of the arguments of the preceding years. This time Porter found himself criticised by both sides of the debate, for instance churches that supported the Coalition position in opposition, now criticised them, [] while sex worker groups that supported the Carpenter proposals continued to oppose coalition policies, [] [] as did health groups.

On 14 June the Minister made a 'Green Bill' [] draft legislation available for public comment over a six-week period.

Following consultation, the government announced a series of changes to the bill that represented compromises with its critics, [] and the changes were then introduced into parliament on 3 November , [] where it received a first and second reading.

Sex workers continued to stand in opposition. Since the government was in a minority, it required the support of several independent members to ensure passage through the Legislative Assembly. Porter left State politics in June , being succeeded by Michael Mischin. Mischin admitted it would be unlikely that the bill would pass in that session. The Barnett government was returned in that election with a clear majority, but stated it would not reintroduce the previous bill and that the subject was a low priority.

Meanwhile, sex workers continue to push for decriminalisation. Christmas Island is a former British colony, which was administered as part of the Colony of Singapore. The laws of Singapore , including prostitution law, were based on British law. For the current situation see Western Australia. After transfer of sovereignty to Australia in , Singapore's colonial law was still in force on the islands until For the current situation see New South Wales.

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ASX float for mega brothel". Canadian Sex Work Policy for the 21st Century: Enhancing Rights and Safety, Lessons from Australia. Department of Economics, University of Melbourne. But the commission has recommended several changes, including a crack down on illegal escort prostitution services, including the creation of new criminal offences and restrictions on advertising. Years ago they used to advertise as massage parlours. Now they advertise as social escorts. We know if we cut down purely on advertising of social escorts they'll start adopting some other terminology and advertise that way.

So we'd made recommendations that we hope will prevent the use of some other form of pseudonym advertising, whatever form is adopted, and enable the police to prosecute those illegal operators who are using that masquerading as a legal industry.

It was our view at the time when the Beattie Government introduced legalised brothels that the basis for introducing that was that it would put an end to the illegal industry. It was our view at the time that that was overly optimistic and so it's proven to be.

We fundamentally agree with the approach that's been taken in this report, that we make it more difficult for the illegal industry rather than allowing the legal industry to expand. But Cheryl Matthews says the report has missed the point and offers no protection to workers at the coalface. There's nothing there that is going to stop the violence that's committed against sex workers. There is nothing there that is going to stop illegal prostitution.

This is just garbage. Ms Matthews believes prostitutes' choices have been taken away from them and more workers will be driven underground. So now if they want to work for an escort agency, once again they have to work illegally. So what have they done? They've made it so it's an offence now unless they're willing to give evidence. You know, like it's all that sort of stuff. It doesn't fix the problem.

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